At 44, Gamila Ismail has lived in the public eye for nearly two decades—as a stringer for NEWSWEEK, a TV personality, a parliamentary candidate, and the wife of charismatic opposition politician Ayman Nour. They cut a glamorous pair, at one point living in a houseboat with a menagerie, their St. Bernards, and their two sons. The downtown office of their party, el-Ghad, on Talaat Harb Square above the Greek Club, was an intellectual hangout—at least until January 2005, when their family life came to a crashing halt. Nour, who was running for president, was arrested on charges of forgery that were never proved. Ismail became known as Job’s wife, embattled, angry, sad, shouting outside police stations, “Down with Mubarak.” That is how people still remember her. A man in Tahrir even called out to her: “I saw you when you took the police and wiped the floor with them!” She gave him a weary nod.
Follow prominent Egyptian activist Gameela Ismail in her campaign for freedom, democracy, and human rights in Egypt
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Saturday, December 31, 2011
In Photos: Gameela in 2011 elections
Thursday, September 29, 2011
Gameela featured in Newsweek
A ripple suddenly runs through the crowd. The commotion announces the arrival of Gameela Ismail, a TV presenter turned activist and politician. Ismail is the ex-wife of Ayman Nour, who in 2005 contested the presidency and then served five years in prison on what his supporters say were trumped-up charges of forging party-member signatures. (Ismail also used to work for Newsweek as a Cairo stringer.) While her husband was in jail, Ismail emerged as a leading voice of opposition to the regime—and paid the price. She was harassed, attacked in the media, and banned from work.
Ismail ran for Parliament in the elections of 2010 and was soundly defeated by a businessman affiliated with Mubarak’s National Democratic Party. But, she says, “I didn’t lose because he was a man and I’m a woman. I lost because I was with the opposition and he was with the ruling party. I lost because he had access to the security agencies and to the workers inside the polling station.” The elections were widely condemned as fraudulent, and the Parliament they brought to office was dissolved soon after Mubarak’s ouster.
Today, Ismail is back on TV—and back in politics. This fall she will run for Parliament again, likely as part of a coalition of liberal and left-wing groups. She admits that female candidates face the same problems as always—social prejudice, a lack of party support and funding—but is nonetheless optimistic. The revolution is a lesson for women about what they’re able to accomplish, she says. “We, as women and feminists, failed to get our rights. But we were able to get freedom for the whole of Egyptian society. We did for Egypt what we couldn’t do for ourselves. We were in the front lines of the revolution. And I am so proud—as a woman and a citizen.”
Around her, the slanting afternoon sunshine illuminates the busy, dusty square with its piles of garbage, its jerry-built entertainments, its poor, curious, and cheerful crowds. “If we want to be in a better position, we have to put in the effort,” says Ismail. “I don’t expect the military council to hand out privileges and roles to women. I don’t expect the interim cabinet to come looking for us and ask us to participate. But I’m not waiting for an invitation.”
Read the full article here.
Friday, September 23, 2011
Wednesday, August 31, 2011
Gameela one of '100 Moms Changing the World'
Gameela Ismail stands at the forefront of Egyptian women fighting to create a new country in the wake of the world-shaking revolution that took place this past January. Ismail has long been a fearless, outspoken advocate for justice. She was forced out of her job as a TV presenter when her then-husband husband, Ayman Nour, became the first person to challenge Hosni Mubarak for the presidency in 2005. When Nour was imprisoned following his loss to Mubarak, Ismail and her children took to the streets, chanting, “Down, Down, Hosni Mubarak!” at a time when doing so could have cost them their lives. In 2008 government thugs set her husband’s party headquarters on fire — while she was inside. Ismail escaped, but was pressured into dropping charges when police told her she was the prime arson suspect. Since then, Ismail has evolved into a public symbol of the fight for democracy in Egypt. She ran for parliament in the 2010 elections and is planning to run again during the country’s first free elections this fall.
Monday, August 8, 2011
They are Egyptians!
It was a question that needed to be investigated by E’adet Nazar. So I went and met many people in the square, and we talked and discussed the whole issue.
What I discovered in the square was that, as usual, the demonstration was a spontaneous gathering. There were no leaders, no certain people, and as always there were various segments spanning the spectrum and classes of Egyptians.
It is very difficult and unfair to judge these people only on their appearance, or because they have a different way of expression than we do. There are well-educated people from the middle class – which were called the ‘Revolution Youth’ – with political movements; youth who were politicized even before the revolution. And there are excited young people ready to confront any form of authority.
Of course there are some roaming vendors who wish to sell a cup of tea, bowl of koshari or grilled corn to all these people. But there are also the poor, oppressed and subjugated people, with nothing to lose.
Tahrir Square is their last hope.
It could be assumed that there is no bong between these groups. But E’aedet Nazar discovered that there is a bond.
Those excited youth willing to break any rule are bound to the group of activists who see the sit-in as the key that brings our rights and quick decisions from the military council; with them is the ‘No to Military Trials’ group, of which the poor people were the first victim, who continue to suffer, their right to be tried before their natural – civil – judiciary taken from them.
Some oppressed and subjugated people were turned into criminals by police torture and humiliation. Their revenge is expected – as long as these practices are still used by the police, even after the revolution. Yes, it is less now, but the idea of a comeback is terrifying.
We have to know that the rage of the poor people must be confronted with real social justice. Otherwise, it will explode again; particularly because there are still some cases of torture in police departments, and this is the main source of oppression.
We can disagree with some of the sit-ins and demands. We can disagree with the method of some protests. But protests and sit-ins are our right, and were our force during the revolution. They are a weapon in the hands of each and every protester and oppressed person.
After the revolution, there is no way to compromise between security and freedom, nor between stability and respect for the rights of citizens. That kind of talk is over.
Justice for all people is their security. The decisive change and response to the demands of the people is the way of justice and security.
Sunday, August 7, 2011
On my way to Tahrir Square
After Mubarak’s fall, there became a division among the people about the continued sit-in at Tahrir Square. One side said, “I didn’t feel any change. Back to Tahrir.” The other side said, “Who is still there? Why?”
Tahrir Square has always been symbolic. Sit-ins before the revolution were an expression of extreme rage and protest against the ruling regime. The groups who demonstrated on the 25th and 28th of January were moving from everywhere to Tahrir Square, and the sit-in from January 28 until February 11 was a true symbol of persistence and resilience until Mubarak’s fall.
Revolution.
Adding to the debate supporting the benefits of the Tahrir sit-in, a new debate arose about the “strange people” in the square. There were claims that these were not “revolution youth.” People said they looked like “thugs,” and there was evidence to support the theory: a new wave of violence in Tahrir and near the Ministry of Interior on June 28.
Still, some defended the demonstrators, saying, “Accusing them of being thugs is an insult to the poor and a distortion of the revolution.”
Thus, E’adet Nazar will try to find answers in Tahrir Square and discuss the issues with you during our show on Friday, July 8 at 11pm on al-Nahar channel.
Monday, June 13, 2011
Gameela on BBC's 'Sisters of the Revolution'
This is Part two of BBC's 'Sisters of the Revolution' program. Find Gameela's interview at 04:58 and again at 09:00.
Find Part I here.
Friday, May 20, 2011
جميلة إسماعيل: تأثير «الإخوان» سيتراجع بعد زوال مفعول «سحر الاضطهاد»
وتوقعت إسماعيل في حوارها مع «الشرق الأوسط» أن تشهد السنوات المقبلة «تراجعا شديدا» في تأثير التيارات الدينية على الحياة السياسية، وقالت إن التيارات الدينية - مثل الإخوان المسلمين - كانت تستمد قوتها الرئيسية مما سمته «سحر الاضطهاد»، الذي مارسه ضدهم النظام السابق، في كسب التعاطف الشعبي، أما الآن فترى إسماعيل أن هذا السحر قد زال، بعد رحيل النظام السابق وخروج تلك الجماعات إلى النور، وأن تأثيرهم سيتضاءل رويدا رويدا..
وتحدثت إسماعيل في العديد من القضايا المهمة؛ منها خوضها الانتخابات البرلمانية المقبلة، وسعيها إلى تأسيس حزب جديد وصفته بأنه «حزب يساري بصبغة ليبرالية»، إلى جانب رؤيتها لتركيبة البرلمان المقبل، والمخاوف التي تسيطر على المجتمع المصري مما يوصف بـ«تصاعد المد الديني»، خاصة في ما يتعلق بالظهور العلني الواضح للجماعات السلفية وتأثيرها في العملية السياسية. وإلى نص الحوار..
Gameela appears in Danish media
http://www.dr.dk/DR2/deadline2230/arabiskforaa.htm
You can also find an article about her (in Danish) here: http://www.kristeligt-dagblad.dk/artikel/419027:Danmark---Vores-demokrati-er-som-et-spaedbarn
Thursday, April 7, 2011
Thursday, March 17, 2011
Tuesday, March 15, 2011
Gameela in the Revolution
Ismail and Nour are just two of the many Egyptians who got on the regime’s radar as troublemakers. As the clique around Hosni Mubarak’s son Gamal grew wealthier and more ostentatious, so did the critics and the crackdowns. Dozens of journalists who exposed their corruption were fined or beaten or jailed.
Ismail lost her jobs. Anyone who tried to help her received warnings from the Interior Ministry. “These six years have been terrible,” she says. “The world completely against you. Me and my sons so isolated, as if we were born on the day of Ayman Nour’s arrest without any past, no connections.” She began selling off family assets to keep her kids in school. Even the private TV stations wouldn’t hire her because they had to get licenses from the Interior Ministry. “They’d say, ‘Your issue is so exceptional’ and then point up and make the shape of long hair.” They meant Suzanne Mubarak.
At the end of 2008, while Nour was in prison, Ismail’s political struggle took a deadly twist. A pro-government faction of el-Ghad marched to take over the party headquarters. Security thugs set the offices on fire. Ismail and her colleagues barely made it out alive. The story got more Orwellian as the night wore on. While she was at the attorney general’s office filing a complaint against the interior minister and Gamal Mubarak’s men, a call came in. She was the prime suspect in the arson case. If she persisted with the charges, she would go to prison. “I thought of my children. I was in charge of them, the finances, the party, and that’s when I realized how mean this regime is.”
The next day the papers wrote: “Gamila Ismail destroyed the precious building of Old Cairo.” Even among Cairo’s intellectuals, many believed it and saw the whole affair as a political squabble among elites.
“I had this mask for years of a very resistant, strong person,” says Ismail. But the mask broke after the arson attack, when she choked up with tears at the end of a televised debate with the politician leading the pro-government el-Ghad faction. “I thought, how could I be such a weak woman?”
Like most of her 40-something generation of activists and opposition politicians, Ismail had stopped believing anything like the Jan. 25 demonstration was possible, so, as it is for Saadawi, the revolution has been a vindication both personal and political—a sweet, unexpected victory against a regime that had persecuted her family.
When I met Ismail, she was so anxious and exhausted she could barely breathe. She was flipping among the news channels. Every few minutes she was phoning Nour, her 21-year-old son, who had gone to Tahrir to deliver medicine. The first night of the protests, Nour was grabbed by security thugs and thrown in a paddy wagon with dozens of other protesters and a Guardian journalist. When a policeman recognized Nour and tried to release him, he refused. “Either I leave with everyone else or I stay with everyone else; it would be cowardice to do anything else,” he told the Guardian reporter. “That’s just the way I was raised.” His parents found out about Nour’s detention and managed to secure the release of the entire vanload.
On the 10th day of the protest, Ismail addressed the crowd at Tahrir, as she did each day, and condemned by name the interior minister, Habib el-Adly, and the minister of information, Anas el-Fekky, for deliberately inciting the violence. Ismail has been in a public war with Adly for a decade now. But behind him she—along with many Egyptians—has seen the hand of Suzanne Mubarak, who has become, in caricature fashion, Egypt’s Lady Macbeth, a mother whose vaulting ambition would stop at nothing to ensure her son Gamal succeeded her husband, Hosni.
After years of bearing up, Ismail is optimistic. “We should not let the long, bitter years destroy the future,” she says. “I honestly believe [the Army] wants to set a good example for the other Arab states and give a white fingerprint on Egyptian history that they handled the country for a while but helped it cross the border to democracy.”
She has decided to become the first Egyptian woman to found a political party, one that will emphasize national dialogue along the lines of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. “We need a new psychology,” she says. Human-rights lawyers she is working with are appearing with young police officers on prime-time shows asking, “Who ordered the police to abandon the people on Jan. 28? Who ordered you to shoot bullets at the people?” “It’s had a big impact on the street,” she says. “We need to hear all these testimonies and confessions of people who committed crimes. Who told presenters and news editors to put all these lies on TV that ended up killing people, 365 martyrs? We have to purify the media and security organs from those who committed these crimes and repair the relationship between the citizen and the police.”
She is not so idealistic as to believe that a military-controlled government will march to democracy on its own. “I am telling the youth, let us polish and let grow the good moves by the military and react instantly to anything that is making us suspicious!”
Excerpt from NEWSWEEK's The Feminists in the Middle of Tahrir Square.
Monday, March 14, 2011
Thursday, March 10, 2011
Gameela one of 150 Women who Shake the World
You can read the full article and meet the other Women Who Shake the World here.
Friday, March 4, 2011
Thursday, February 10, 2011
Videos of Gameela on January 25
جميلة اسماعيل يتظاهرون في المهندسين في 25 يناير
Gameela Ismail with demonstratorsi n Mohandiseen on January 25
جميلة اسماعيل الهتافات مع المتظاهرين في 25 يناير في المهندسين
Gameela Ismail chants with demonstrators on January 25 in Mohandiseen
PBS interview with Gameela
Gameela gives an interview at 08:55.
Text of interview:
Activist Gameela Ismail, co-founder of Women for Change, came to hear Zewail, but said the Tahrir Square die-hards have to keep up the pressure.
GAMEELA ISMAIL, Women for Change: And this is what I always tell the -- the people in the square when I'm there. I'm saying, listen guys, we are like in the last part of the long, dark tunnel, the very last part. It's either we keep on our strength and courage and pass this remaining part of the tunnel -- of the tunnel, or we're going to be stuck here for at least 10 years.
MARGARET WARNER: So, could this spin out of control?
GAMEELA ISMAIL: It is out of control. It's been -- it's been out of control for the last at least 10 days. It's been out of control. The masses, the people want Mubarak off the scene. This regime, having a military core, is never going to allow this to happen, the fall of the president by the pressures of the people.
Saturday, February 5, 2011
Interview with Gameela on January 25
Gameela Ismail gives an interview to Bikya Masr from Tahrir Square in downtown Cairo on January 25, 2011.